Olu of Warri Dares Asari Dokubo: Show Proof of N2.7trn Pipeline Claim

A fresh dispute has erupted in the Niger Delta over Nigeria’s pipeline surveillance contracts, after Niger Delta leader and traditional ruler Asari Dokubo-Asari alleged that the Olu of Warri, Ogiame Atuwatse III, and a businessman linked to Pipeline Infrastructure Nigeria Limited (PINL) receive about N2.7 trillion annually for protecting the nation’s oil pipelines. The claim, made in a video circulating on social media, has been categorically rejected by the Warri palace — which is now demanding documentary proof.
Here is what we know, what is alleged, and what has not been established.

The allegation: what Asari Dokubo said

Dokubo, who is also the Amanyanabo of the Source, Elem Kalabari (Torusarama Piri), in Rivers State, made the claim in a viral video while defending former militant leader Government Ekpemupolo, popularly known as Tompolo, whose company Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited holds a pipeline surveillance contract.

According to reporting by Daily Post (October 5, 2026) and The Gazette, Dokubo argued that Tompolo was being unfairly criticised while others allegedly received far larger sums for similar work.

In the video, he said:

“So, because I am fighting for freedom, the Olu of Warri can do a contract and have money, but Tompolo cannot do the contract and have his own money. I cannot do it.”

“You are talking about Tompolo. What of the Olu of Warri and Osahon, son of Captain Osa, who are collecting N2.7 trillion annually for guarding pipelines? Why did you call them out?”

“They are collecting N2.7 trillion a year. You are calling Tompolo, who is collecting less. I’m not in that contract.”

Dokubo also alleged that the individuals escaped criticism because of their ethnic backgrounds, saying, per The Gazette: “You didn’t call them out because they are Benin people and Itsekiri people.”

He went on to argue that pipeline contracts meant to benefit the Niger Delta should not be taken over by companies or individuals from other regions, warning that such arrangements would turn regional resources into private wealth. He named businessman Arthur Eze as an example, and further claimed he had recently seen a vessel in Nigerian waters bearing the initials “OUK”, which he associated with former Abia State Governor Orji Uzor Kalu.

Dokubo also called on the EFCC and ICPC to investigate the pipeline surveillance arrangement, according to TrackNews, urging the anti-graft agencies to establish the actual contract value, how funds were paid and what services were delivered. He described Tantita, which he said receives a smaller contract sum, as “the only security company that is visible in the Niger Delta.”

In the same video, Dokubo initially described the N2.7 trillion figure as a monthly payment before correcting himself to say it was annual, according to The Gazette and reporting by journalist Tajudeen Suleiman. No contract documents, payment records or other documentary evidence were presented publicly alongside the claim.

What the Olu of Warri’s palace says

The rebuttal came from Prince Collins Edema, the Sole Representative of the Olu of Warri to the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) and its Joint Venture partners. Edema issued a statement dated Tuesday, October 6, 2026.

According to Vanguard (Jimitota Onoyume), Edema dismissed the allegation as untrue and “devoid of facts.”
Key excerpts from the statement:

“The attention of the Sole Representative of His Majesty Ogiame Atuwatse III, CFR, the Olu of Warri to NNPC Limited, has been drawn to the recent public allegation by Mr. Asari Dokubo that His Majesty receives the sum of N2.7 trillion annually from pipeline surveillance contracts.”

“For the avoidance of doubt, the allegation that the Olu of Warri receives N2.7 trillion annually from pipeline surveillance contracts is categorically rejected.”

“We challenge Mr. Dokubo to produce the documentary evidence upon which this extraordinary claim is based.”

“If there are concerns about a pipeline-security arrangement, the relevant contracts, procurement processes, corporate records, government approvals, performance reports and regulatory documents should be examined. If wrongdoing is alleged, the appropriate institutions should investigate and establish the facts. And if no wrongdoing is established, politically charged allegations should not be allowed to substitute for evidence.”

Beyond the denial, Edema criticised the style of Dokubo’s intervention. Per The Guardian, the statement said:

“His language is frequently categorical, provocative and insufficiently restrained. That style may command attention, but attention should not be confused with credibility, and forcefulness should not be mistaken for evidence.”

He also said, according to Daily Post, that Dokubo’s public image “remains deeply associated with militancy, confrontation and an uncompromising style of political expression,” and warned that unguarded claims involving the Olu of Warri, PINL, Tompolo and others risked deepening suspicion, reviving old grievances and encouraging people to view the disagreement through an ethnic lens.
Edema conceded that the contracts themselves deserve public scrutiny — covering beneficiaries, award procedures, performance and contribution to the national interest — but said the debate “should not be reduced to who is louder, more influential or more militant.”
Separately, Ifetayo Adeniyi, a spokesperson to the Olu of Warri, was quoted by The Gazette as dismissing the claim. He reportedly questioned the sums involved — “How much is NNPC budget? How much is Nigeria’s budget?” — and said the palace would not dignify the allegations with a substantive response.

Pipeline surveillance contracts at a glance

Pipeline surveillance contracts have been politically sensitive for years, and the N2.7 trillion figure sits against publicly reported figures that are dramatically smaller.

For scale, the N2.7 trillion allegation would be more than 56 times the widely reported N48 billion annual value of the Tantita arrangement.
On the identity of the businessman named by Dokubo, reporting varies. Dokubo referred to “Osahon, son of Captain Osa.”

He is widely identified in reports as Osahon Okunbo/Idahosa, a son of the late businessman Captain Hosa Okunbo and an executive of PINL — and, per The Gazette, a brother-in-law to the Warri monarch. Some reports, including a House of Representatives petition, render the surname as “Okunbor” and describe him as PINL’s Managing Director. Outlets have used the names inconsistently.

It is worth noting that PINL has repeatedly been associated in public debate with the Olu of Warri, although Itsekiri representatives have previously disputed that link. In 2022, Edema Oritsetimeyin of the Itsekiri Consultative Congress was reported as saying the Olu of Warri was neither a registered director nor a shareholder of PINL, and rejected claims at the time about the company’s contract value and geographical reach.

What else is happening: the legislative track

The pipeline surveillance debate is also moving through the legislature, independently of Dokubo’s video.

On Tuesday, October 6, 2026, the House of Representatives Committee on Host Communities confirmed it had received a petition from the Niger Delta Oil-Producing Communities Reform Movement (ND-OCRIM) concerning the PINL pipeline surveillance contract. The petition was received on September 15, 2026, according to Blueprint and Independent.
The petitioners are seeking:

• The total amount received by PINL under the contract
• How those funds were utilised
• The extent of resources deployed to pipeline protection
• A forensic review of PINL’s financial records and transactions, including dealings involving directors and related entities
• An assessment of the welfare and working conditions of surveillance personnel

The petition also raises allegations concerning personal expenditures allegedly linked to PINL’s Managing Director, including alleged luxury property acquisitions and private-jet travel — and asks whether any such spending was financed from contract revenues.

The petitioners have requested that the committee consider recommending action, including possible revocation of the contract, if the allegations are substantiated.

Committee Chairman Hon. Dekor Robinson stressed that the allegations remain claims in a petition and have not been established as facts. He said the petitioners will be required to substantiate their claims, while PINL and its Managing Director will be afforded a full and fair opportunity to respond.

He urged the public and the media not to prejudge the outcome.
The Olu of Warri’s representative, Edema, did not explicitly reference the petition, but his statement’s call for scrutiny of “contracts, procurement processes, corporate records, government approvals, performance reports and regulatory documents” aligns with the kind of review the committee says it intends to conduct.

What we know — and what we don’t

What is established:

• Dokubo made the allegation publicly in a video that circulated widely from about October 5, 2026.
• The Olu of Warri’s representative issued a formal denial on October 6, 2026, and challenged Dokubo to produce documentary evidence.
• A petition seeking a forensic audit of the PINL contract is before a House committee.

What is not established:

• The N2.7 trillion figure itself. It has not been independently verified, and no documents were presented publicly with the claim.
• Dokubo’s claim about the “OUK” vessel and Orji Uzor Kalu. There has been no verification of that claim in the material reviewed.
• Whether the Olu of Warri has any ownership or financial interest in PINL. That has been disputed since 2022, and remains the subject of competing claims.
• Any wrongdoing by any party.

As of available reporting, no immediate response was recorded from Osahon Okunbo/Idahosa, Orji Uzor Kalu, or NNPCL to the latest allegations.

Why the stakes are high

Pipeline surveillance is not an ordinary commercial matter. Nigeria’s oil and gas infrastructure is a critical national asset, and pipeline security bears directly on crude oil production, government revenue, foreign exchange